Ensuring Long-Term U.S. Leadership in Semiconductors
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easily backfire. That does not mean, though, that the United States should not respond forcefully to
Chinese policies that distort the global market by limiting access of U.S. companies and U.S. exports to
China’s large and growing semiconductor market.
The U.S. government should start by clarifying the types of measures that it believes are
acceptable for protecting national security. (For example, restricting certain defense
procurement to firms based in particular countries may be appropriate.) To the extent possible,
it should do that in dialogue with China, with both governments agreeing in principle on what is
and is not reasonable, much as the two countries have done in the area of cyberattacks. So long
as China adheres to these norms, the United States should continue to implement its policies
much as it has in the past. If, however, China acts (or continues to act) in ways well outside
these bounds—for example through its “secure and controllable” rules for information
technology—those actions should affect U.S. policy. One way to respond would be to tie U.S.
assessments of the national-security threats posed by particular technology exports,
investments, and contracts to Chinese policy. (For example, if China pursues a policy of
undermining cutting-edge, defense-critical U.S.-based companies by flooding markets using
government support, that should alter U.S. assessments of whether Chinese acquisitions of the
capabilities required to do so are acceptable.) The main goal here should be to deter dangerous
Chinese actions; this means that the United States will need to be more open and clear about
how its investment and export restrictions actually work. If, however, this effort to deter fails,
changes in U.S. national security threat assessments will presumably lead to changes in the
specific exports and acquisitions allowed by the U.S. government.
Recommendation 2.3: Work with allies to strengthen global export controls and inward investment
security. The United States dedicates substantial resources to export controls and inward investment
security. The United States should work with like-minded partners to develop common principles
(insofar as possible) for acceptable and unacceptable market behavior, and to help build their
administrative capacity to effectively implement appropriate controls and pursue needed investigations,
since many countries are currently far less capable than the United States in this regard. Led by the
Departments of Treasury and Commerce, and by the Intelligence Community, this effort should provide
global partners with technical assistance, training, and diplomatic support to identify risks and
vulnerabilities and to remediate them.
On export controls, the Departments of Commerce, Defense, Homeland Security, State, and
Treasury work together to target export controls on national security priorities while facilitating
legitimate commerce. To oversee investment security, CFIUS, chaired by the Treasury
Department, plays a vital role in reviewing certain transactions with important national security
implications involving potential foreign control of U.S. businesses.
The United States should not, however, carry this burden alone. Unilateral action is increasingly
ineffective in a world where the semiconductor industry is globalized (though keeping the
United States at the forefront of innovation allows it to retain some ability to be effective
unilaterally). At the same time, when it acts unilaterally, the United States often raises
suspicions (however ill-founded) among allies that it is motivated by economic-competitiveness
concerns, rather than by national security.