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Journal of Information, Communication & Ethics in Society
An Uber
Ethical Dilemma: examining the social issues at
stake
Journal:
Journal of Information, Communication & Ethics in Society
Manuscript ID
Draft
Manuscript Type:
Journal Paper
Keywords:
Uber, Ethics, Digital, Policy
Journal of Information, Communication & Ethics in Society
Journal of Information, Communication & Ethics in Society
An Uber Ethical Dilemma:
examining the social issues at stake
Introduction
This paper engages with the social issues emerging from the increasing reliance upon app-
driven services as they pertain to precarious labor and ethical standpoints in a digital era.
Popular ride services such as Uber have been lauded for bringing much needed transportation
services that are superior to expensive taxis or unpleasant or inaccessible public transit:
In five years, the app economy will be worth $6.3 trillion, up from $1.3 trillion last year, according
to a report released today by app measurement company App Annie.
...
Mobile commerce’s huge footprint includes purchases through retail behemoths like Amazon and
Alibaba, as well as paying for services such as Uber rides or travel booked through a travel app
basically any monetary transaction through an app that holds your credit information. The
assumption also relies on the continued transition from in-person purchases to ones done
through apps. (Molla 2017)
While these companies are indeed immensely popular, questions remain as to just how much of
a problem-solving panacea the apps they produce actually herald and to what extent their
‘disruption’ breaks more than it fixes. Especially because Uber ride prices are artificially low for
the moment while subsidized by investors in these initial stages (Smith 2016), unlike taxicabs.
A lack of labor regulation and initial subsidization from investors may present a significant
savings to the user, but one may ask if these practices are sustainable as a ‘gig economy’
(Sundarajaran 2015). Adding to the temporary nature of this work are plans to switch to
driverless vehicles. So, structuring one’s life around stringing together multiple gigs (that have
little protection and no benefits) all to assist in the obsolescence of one’s trade, may prove
devastating to labor forces. At present, a handful of organizations largely unfettered by
regulations now broker the labor of an increasingly contingent workforce. Simultaneously, these
same companies fight for control in a new frontier of information and communication
technologies (McAlister 2016). In this context, how are we to consider and act upon the issue of
a digitally mediated wealth divide, or, as Greenfield (2015) puts it, a ‘socially corrosive mobility’?
The popularity of rideshare services like Uber has created an inaccurate sense that public
transit has become superfluous (Millsap 2016). However, as many studies (LeBlanc 2018) have
suggested, ride hailing services are not a substitute for public transit. Public services are
mandated to be accessible in many ways Uber is still not, such as to: a) underserved
communities b) the vulnerable (physically or otherwise) c) those without credit cards or
smartphones. Publicly accessible transportation, especially in the US context in which Uber
originated, is already embattled, and ride hailing services have served as a rationale to choke
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off resources to publicly accessible services (Jerch, Kahn & Li 2016). As instances of the false
equivalency between ride hailing and public transportation systems grow, support for public
transportation systems dwindles and history has shown that once support for public
infrastructures crumble, they are that much more difficult to revive, revitalize, and reinstate.
From a social justice perspective, divesting in public transit because needs are being met for a
certain section of relatively affluent individuals promises further inequality with respect to
mobility and the benefits therein. Moreover, widespread reliance on private vehicles has done
nothing to aid traffic congestion and efficiency.
As a result of over three years of ongoing research and analysis, this article is a comprehensive
assessment of a number of social issues facing the integration of practices both signified and
enacted in an economy driven by apps such as Uber. We are at a watershed moment of
policymaking at a time when digital divides are being simultaneously negotiated and relitigated.
This environmental scan covers many issues that are currently in flux and evolving. This
discussion focuses primarily on the U.S. context, given that the company and its practices
originate from Silicon Valley and are thoroughly embedded in the nation’s labor ideologies and
debates regarding corporate libertarianism, privatization, and regulation.
In a relatively short time, consumer knowledge and sentiment about Uber and what it has come
to mean has evolved and grown. In this case, the consumer is just one of the stakeholder
groups woven into the mainstream discussion. It bears some reflexive examination that the end-
user groups serve as data points at the end of iterative cycles of development. That is, public
stakeholder groups are largely the guinea pigs of this form of development, with the product
unleashed in the world in many versions that may be shaped all too late in the process by
ethical concerns. More pertinent for the purposes of discussing the ethical issues, one must
start by mapping out the current situation, who is involved, and the social issues that have
emerged in the stakeholder groups discussed here.
The discussion of policy implications, priorities, and a roadmap forward is essential for focusing
the efforts to bring much needed attention to the social justice, media justice, and ethical
nuances of the digital divide. Due to the much lauded ‘disruption’ this genre of platform services
has now lent to the everyday communication of goods, services, and people, entire systems
have gone unchecked and unfettered. The policy regimes are simply not in place, nor are tax
structures, labor regulations, and assessments of impact on public infrastructures. When,
however, a mode of transportation transitions from a novelty to an everyday mainstay,
becoming woven into the general economy, decision-makers have a responsibility to ensure
that the resulting disruption is as ethical and just as possible.
Ideologically, there is a point of tension between governmental/regulatory bodies, ‘innovators’
(Lehdonvirta 2015), and users. Stakeholders of all stripes are scrambling to keep up with the
pace and problematics of digital innovations and an inclusive critical dialog on app-driven
services has yet to become a priority. An analytical framework from a social justice perspective
stands to catalyze action on a number of pervasive issues surrounding digital ethics and policy.
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This paper will discuss a number of ways in which current ride hailing practices are problematic
and amount to a race to the bottom. How do these specific practices, encompassing issues of
labor, the digital divide, and public infrastructures, contribute to the increasing corrosion of the
social contract if left unfettered? For the standing reserve of labor that enable ride hailing
services, do current practices promote upward mobility or are they merely enriching the brokers
of these services?:
According to analysis by experts at MIT’s Center for Energy and Environmental Policy Research
(CEEPR), Uber and Lyft drivers make a median profit of $8.55 an hour before taxes, once
insurance, maintenance, repairs, and other costs are factored in. That means 54 percent of
drivers earn less than their state’s minimum wage and nearly one in 10 actually lose money on
the job.
...
A first draft of MIT’s research earlier this month mistakenly set Uber and Lyft drivers’ median
profit at $3.37, but that number was heavily criticized by both Uber executives and economists as
“deeply flawed.” As a result, the figure was revised up by Zoepf, and he promised a “thorough
revision” of the paper. The new analysis was released on Monday and included the median $8.55
per hour figure.
...
“Regardless of the exact percentage, the fact that a significant portion of Uber and Lyft drivers are
making less than minimum wage is a serious problem that needs to be addressed,” Moira Muntz,
of the Independent Drivers Guild, which advocates for app-drivers in New York City, told
ThinkProgress. “Even in New York City, where most drivers are full time, Uber and Lyft drivers
are making less than minimum wage after expenses. As a result drivers are working longer and
longer shifts and the economic desperation is palpable.” (Barnes 2018)
Such disparities are not unusual--think of the Industrial Revolution. However, as Vincent Mosco
and Catherine McKercher (2009) have written, the information/knowledge economy has not yet
experienced a labor revolt akin to that of the Industrial Revolution. Ride hailing services are a
prime example. On the service side, drivers typically earn less than the minimum wage. On the
user side, issues of gender and race result in the marginalization of vulnerable groups. On the
platform side, too, software engineers are subject to sexism and racism.
Building the boat while sailing
This paper contributes an analysis of the digital economic landscape, with an articulation of
issues and stakeholders specific to the digital divide in the form of media justice, social justice,
and ethics. Because the phenomena is emergent and amorphous, it is even more important to
highlight key issues, talking points, and recommendations so that we may prioritize our efforts
and direct our energies appropriately according to the interdependent stakeholder relationships.
A study of ride hailing apps is very much in the spirit of Schutz’s (2012) painting ‘Building the
boat while sailing.’ Policy must change and adapt to new revelations about the ride hailing
companies, their services, and daily changes to their impact on the broader public. The focus of
this paper is to boil down the baseline elements of how Uber has worked as a concept, its
attendant social issues, and where that leaves policy and the public good at the end of the day.
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Stakeholder groups under discussion
This article examines the social issues and policy implications arising from the consideration of
five primary stakeholder groups:
Drivers
Developers
Riders
Corporation (Uber)
Government (regulators, infrastructure)
The intended audience of this paper, which derived from a presentation at the Conference on
the Partnership for Progress on the Digital Divide, includes researchers and policymakers at the
forefront of social issues facing our world. This paper covers not only emergent phenomena in a
digital age, but also the specific policy implications of what this digital era presents in terms of
affordances, constraints, strengths, weaknesses, opportunities, and threats.
Digital divide (media justice)
For a slim shard of the world’s favored, a bleak prosperity prevails Their days are largely given
over to the pleasures of friendship, conviviality and hard work; they arrange their brunches,
vacations, hookups, gigs and pregnancies via app, and get around all but effortlessly, still
delighted that the new autonomous Ubers relieve them even of the hassle of interacting with a
driver. (Greenfield 2017, pp. 293-294)
There are a number of ways an uncritical and unconditional acceptance of the Uber service may
exacerbate a digital divide. This section primarily focuses on the rider stakeholder group to
discuss the needs that have not been addressed in already marginalized populations of the
imagined end-users. The populations that are most vulnerable in terms of the digital divide
include the geographically under-resourced and underserved, the young, elderly, and physically
challenged, and undocumented persons.
Possible approaches to better remedying and serving these populations are discussed also in
the policy implications section, covering ways that we might design our future to be inclusive,
equitable, and just.
The young, elderly, and physically challenged
There is little incentive for a private company such as Uber and those who drive for it to serve
those with limited income or mobility (Mirani 2014). For a large proportion of the population,
driving is simply not an option due to age and/or physical ability. Around the world, a public
transit mandate is essential, as the elderly and physically challenged often rely on transportation
services that accommodate wheelchairs and have other vehicular enhancements. For those
who are in need of safe, consistent transportation, but may find themselves mobility-impaired,
public infrastructure is an essential and ethical service for a democratic society.
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Children and their caretakers are also underserved by ride hailing apps. Youths under 18, for
example, are not permitted to ride unaccompanied on Lyft and Uber at all. For parents with
infants, whereas a bus may be mandated to accommodate strollers, a random car hailed on any
given day may not even have a safety belt of adequate length to accommodate a car seat. In a
problematic attempt to address this particular issue, Uber has provided the Uber Car Seat
option, which, ‘...provides uberX vehicles equipped with a car seat... A $10 surcharge is added
to uberX pricing for Uber Car Seat trips. A child is too big at 48 lbs. or 52 inches’ (Uber Help
n.d.). This option is further restricted to children over 12 months of age. Even for those families
who do meet all requirements, the per trip surcharge would render this service cost prohibitive
to many.
Under-resourced and underserved
In an era of digital redlining, lack of access to devices and technical specifications also implicate
geographies of exclusion. In addition to the cost of the ride, smartphones and their plans are
themselves costly. A transportation service that requires riders to use both a mobile computing
device and credit card presents a convenience, but is also exclusionary.
Even so, the issues are not as easily remedied as simply putting a mobile device into every
hand. Much like the One Laptop Per Child movement that oscillated between vision and reality
(Kraemer et al 2009), the issue at hand is not just about access to standalone devices. Rather,
devices are merely gateways or ‘dummy terminals’ that provide access to the truly valuable
network, society, and broader webs of significance. Having access to smartphones, credit, and
credit cards as a baseline requirement to participation in the platform economy not only
exacerbates an already existing digital divide; it creates new fissures in the physical social
fabric. Point to point travel that is private already contributes to urban decay and lack of
everyday engagement and inclusion, as is well documented in Greenfield (2017).
Moreover, the mobility of those who do not live centrally, or in less desirable areas, is at the
behest of driver availability and willingness. This vulnerability may be regarded as a type of
digital redlining. A rider can be left without a ride if they do not live within desired range/location.
This could exacerbate the bleeding out of marginalized population zones, further entrenching
privilege and contributing to the increasing polarization of wealth we are seeing even in Silicon
Valley’s own increasingly dystopian landscape. Ride hailing services cannot be a replacement
for public transit.
Public infrastructures: towards social justice and away from
corrosive mobility
In the context of a discussion about Google self-driven cars, Ethan Zuckerman questions the
US’ problem with public goods and muses:
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How did we reach a state in America where highly speculative technologies, backed by private
companies, are seen as a plausible future while routine, ordinary technologies backed by
governments are seen as unrealistic and impossible?
...we don’t have influence over what services Google does and doesn’t provide, and our
investment is an investment of attention as recipients of ads, not taxation. (Zuckerman 2013)
Reflecting the hegemony of private transportation, a working paper by the National Bureau of
Economic Research (NBER) (Jerch, Kahn & Li 2016) argues that privatizing public bus services
could save $5.7 billion a year in the United States. Studies espousing the privatization of public
services as a cost cutting measure also point the finger at the wastefulness of public services,
serving to discredit unions in the process as well (Millsap 2016). The rhetoric is eerily familiar
and effectively advocates starving the public system, then criticizing that public transit is broken,
which ultimately results in further funding cuts. This is damaging rhetoric because rather than
individuals acting in a vacuum, corporate libertarian discourse (Mosco 2014) does not
acknowledge how we are a networked society (Castells 2009) and actually a web of
interdependencies, especially for transportation and mobility.
Taxes pay for roads and other public goods that Uber uses. Uber avoids contributing to tax
regimes around the world, yet diminishes popular support for local regular jobs and revenue
systems through its service. As the company has said, ‘Our corporate tax structure is probably
the least innovative thing about Uber. It’s the standard approach adopted by most multinational
companies’(O'Keefe & Jones 2015).
What pro-privatization studies fail to convey are the interdependencies between public services
such as transit, the preservation of a functional national workforce, and the construction of the
very roads upon which Uber cars drive. Additionally, mass public transit does what individual
passenger vehicles cannot do, which is relieve congestion by taking cars off the road (LeBlanc
2018).
Examining the Full cost
The Digital Sublime can be very seductive (Mosco 2004), especially if it comes with the promise
of saving billions of dollars, which ostensibly transmutes into less need for taxpayer money
overall, and subsequently tax cuts followed by full privatization. However, policy makers have an
obligation to examine the full cost of transactions for the public interest. This entails more
rigorous research and less reliance on convenient numbers. The cost cutting rationale
espoused by those who would advocate privatizing public transit, is extremely short term.
A better approach to analyzing the myriad factors impacting public services would be Squires’
(2013, p. 104) concept of ‘full cost’ economics, which takes into account not only the costs to a
given firm (internal), but also the social and environmental costs (external):
As an equation, if the full cost can be quantified, it is expressed quite simply as follows:
Full cost = internal cost (firm) + external cost (social and environmental)
(Squires 2013, p. 104)
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When discussing transportation, it is essential to weigh the total costs because the environment
and landscapes are implicated. As a software company, there is everything to gain by avoiding
public accountability, but this lack of social reciprocity is the digital age equivalent of an
extraction industry centered around raw materials and pillaging of the earth. At the end of the
day, the private transportation model for everyday uses, especially commuting, do nothing to
take cars off the road and relieve congestion. In the Marshall McLuhan sense regarding Laws of
Media (1988), adding cars to further clog up roads would be a classic case of reversal for what
might otherwise be lauded as an innovation.
In sickness and Uber Health
A recent development marketed as an attempt to address the dire state of affairs in the US
health system has been branded as Uber Health. This initiative seeks to formalize the pre-
existing practice of taking an Uber to the hospital in the role of an ambulance, sometimes
through explicit partnerships with care providers (O’Donovan 2018). There are many reasons for
and problems with why riders already use Uber to get to and from hospitals and other medical
providers in the United States. What is already occurring is that people call 911 for non-
emergencies because they do not have health insurance. In addition to the inefficiency of that
practice, it speaks to the already stratified state of access to healthcare.
Taking an ambulance to the hospital may cost hundreds of dollars, and possibly over $1000.
Considering how cost prohibitive medical assistance can be, this factor causes many to instead
take matters into their own hands and seek out lower cost alternatives, such as an Uber or taxi.
As with regular Uber, Uber Health is a delegation of all risks to the drivers and riders.
Elsewhere, governmental health systems that are able to bargain with providers achieve an
economy of scale in terms of costs across the board. Also, the drivers themselves (i.e.
paramedics/ambulance drivers) are trained and skilled in the provision of medical attention.
While this article cannot be a comprehensive critique of the inefficiencies in the US health
system as a whole, it is important to discuss some cursory problematics of Uber Health at first
glance.
Lack of driver training and preparation
In order to become an Uber driver, there is a low bar to entry (be over 21 years old, pass a state
and federal background check, have 1 year of driving experience) (Uber.jobs n.d.). Once on the
job, any number of situations may present themselves due to the random nature of those who
require rides from one location to another. There is a dire lack of training for this increasing
population of precariously ‘employed’ drivers who do not have any classification besides being
independent contractors. The driver’s own vehicles are not held to any reliable standard, use
the driver’s own insurance, and the condition of the vehicle itself varies vastly. As far as licensed
taxi drivers go, they themselves are barely equipped to handle the variation in clientele in terms
of training and preparation, nevermind lay people who end up driving for Uber. Indeed, the lack
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of driver training and preparation are indicative of the lack of long term plans for human drivers
in general. Looking into the future, the human drivers are merely a stop gap measure in
anticipation of automated (driverless) cars.
Liability issues also abound. Considering the diverse range of people a rideshare driver may
encounter at any given point, there is relatively little training and preparation to become an Uber
driver. Moreover, drivers are using their own personal car insurance to operate rideshare
vehicles in a decidedly commercial fashion. As the rideshare company can claim to act merely
as a type of ‘matchmaking’ app, this arrangement means that all of the risks are undertaken by
the driver and rider. In at least one case, an injured UberX driver was left to assume the
consequences of a major car accident after alleging that Uber had assured him of insurance
protection (Lieberman 2015).
The Gig Economy as symptom of kleptocracy
The myth of the freelancer as freedom
‘Uber, but for [food, shelter, sex]’ has become part of the regular lexicon. Drawing attention to
the social, economic, and environmental damage of these kleptocratic practices casts a pall on
the promise of a bright, utopian meritocratic future where we supposedly all win and all boats
rise. Calo and Rosenblat (2017) with their critique aptly named, ‘The Taking Economy: Uber,
Information, and Power,’ join an increasingly large chorus of analyses that inform policymaking
through legal and ethical concerns of new and as of yet largely unregulated industrial practices.
The tension between entrenched industries and new ‘disruptive’ upstarts have shown up
headlines around the world. The U.S. audience appreciates a classic David and Goliath
narrative, even in stories like how Uber and Lyft are ‘destroying Chicago’s cab drivers’ (Ciolli
2017). However, the narrative of rideshare drivers taking on entrenched taxi cartels is too facile
and unidirectional. In contrast, the desperation was palpable in the case of one New York taxi
driver (Bellafante 2018) who committed suicide to demonstrate how ride hailing services have
financially devastated and disrupted their livelihoods.
A particular--though not at all rare--story is of people who have made the decision to drive for
Uber due to a life-altering event such as injury, layoff, retirement, or unspecified debts. That life
event may not have not been conducive to holding a regular full-time job with benefits, including
any form of health coverage in the United States. Moreover, for those who do have health
insurance, coverage does not guarantee access to affordable health care, as the deductible
model almost entirely ensures that a person seeking even rudimentary treatment will need to
pay hundreds if not thousands of dollars up front before coverage becomes apparent. This is a
troubling state of affairs, given that numerous households are potentially one accident away
from bankruptcy.
Where this issue intertwines with the gig economy is the myth of the freelancer who is ultimately
liberated by the flexibility afforded by being an independent contractor, as opposed to an
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employee restricted by the prescripts of a single employer. The devastating narratives of actual
wages hit a fever pitch in early 2018 with the publication of data stating that the hourly wage of
an Uber/Lyft driver amounted to $3.37/hour (Levin 2018b). After a critical response from the
Chief Economic Offer at Uber about the widely publicized data, the author of the MIT study
revised their analysis to a wage range of $8.55-$10/hour (Winick 2018). However, that figure is
still below minimum wage and is immensely variable considering tips and local costs of living.
Numerous studies continue to show that more often than not, the worker in this case is in the
position of desperately cobbling together a living wage with these myriad flexi-jobs to stay afloat.
One must ask if this is the freedom largely envisioned, and who ultimately benefits from the
perpetuation of this myth.
Despite and likely because of the proliferation of precarious labor, there have been disparate
attempts to unionize rideshare drivers, as in the case of Seattle (Isaac, Wingfield & Scheiber
2015), and recently Millennials have been showing an increased interest in the formation of
unions after a long-term decline in workforce unionization (Chen 2018). Scholz (2017)
advocates ‘platform cooperatives’, which work with the platform and worker-owned cooperatives
to ‘rethink unions, and build a better future of work.’ The questions in his book, Uberworked and
Underpaid, remain in terms of how digital labor may be regulated, with much dependent upon
how collective organizing at the local and global levels take place.
Indeed, the precariat is not progress, and the struggles this large, multi-sector workforce face
are something akin to those encountered in the adjunctification of the professoriate, where 70%
of college professors are contingent labor (American Association of University Professors n.d.).
As with adjunct professors, there is a common misconception that these workers are merely
topping up a base income earned elsewhere, so they do not require any livable wage or benefits
in the contingent labor they are performing. While there is likely a small minority that fits the
stereotypical description, the data on these labor forces show that most are stitching together a
basic income through many precarious jobs.
A temporary stop-off on the way to autonomous vehicles
These increasingly neo-feudal conditions are allowed to continue under the rationalization of the
‘free market’, in favor of the celebratory discourse of the ‘Gig economy’. The embodied nature of
its workers who require food, shelter, health care, and a living wage are only a temporary
inconvenience on the way to the utopian imaginary of driverless cars dotting our sky.
Kai-Fu Lee (2018) predicts that autonomous vehicles will replace human-driven cars in about
15-20 years in the US and even less time in China if they continue advancing in AI research as
they have been to date. He also cautions that we are not ready for the massive societal
upheavals on the way to that vision. Due to the inconsistencies in law from state to state, Uber
has already been experimenting with autonomous vehicles (cars and trucks) in various locations
with minimal hindrance (Bonnington 2018).
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The long game is to starve out any real alternatives to these services, such as licensed taxis
and public transit, all the while using big data/machine learning to create fully automated routes.
Eventually, the vision is for driverless cars. Then where will the drivers be, who have leveraged
themselves in the meantime?
Ethical issues and Policy Implications
Indicative of the app-centered media age in which we live, hardly a day goes by in which Uber
has not made headlines in the mainstream media. The ethical issues have been challenging to
wrangle, due to the number of parties implicated and lack of precedent. Were it not for the sheer
number of ethical grievances coming to light in recent years, the demand for a comprehensive
analysis of the issues at stake would not have the same urgency that it does today. This section
identifies some of the major ethical issues that intersect with multiple stakeholders discussed in
this paper, which each deserve their own analyses, critiques, and action going forward.
Advocating for a focus on the ethical dilemmas associated with the Uber service sets the stage
for a broader critique of the platform/gig economies and their lack of regard for the social good.
It is particularly challenging, because a service such as Uber enjoys widespread popularity while
also being immensely problematic for those with the least power and mobility. For those who do
have the decision-making power, it is important to make instrumental decisions that are not only
popular, but also ethical.
With a company as powerful and pervasive as Uber, it is already difficult to operate without
touching or being touched by the organization and its practices. As Uber transitions from being
a company to an institution, and moving ever closer towards fulfilling the role of a utility or
essential service, it is more important than ever to make sure that people who hold the keys to
power in law and policy do not capitulate too easily to the interests of a private corporation that
is not beholden to a duty to serve the public.
The ethical challenges here largely touch upon the predator/prey dichotomy that have been
symptomatic of the broader culture in which Uber has been developed. The cases surrounding
gender-based violence for riders (Levin 2018a), drivers (Levin 2017), and Uber’s developers
(Fowler 2017); racist practices by drivers (Newcomer 2016); systemic sexism and racism in the
company still coming to light (Ge et al. 2017); and privacy issues arising from unethical
treatment of user data (Hill 2014)--all speak to the profoundly troubling social issues that
continue to plague the company. The convergence of these pressure points serve to highlight
the position of trust inherent for a service like Uber to function and its effect on the vulnerable,
underscoring the need for ethical oversight. Without adequate measures to curtail and critique
these designs while they are being conceived, we will only encounter these problems out ‘in the
wild’, at which point it is often too late to put the proverbial genie back in the bottle, especially
concerning issues of data and privacy.
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Designing the future
When we look at ethics, social justice, diversity and inclusivity, the effort to etch those facets
into policy must include both company culture and their creations. A service like Uber serves to
structure and restructure the way we do things like communicate and get from point A to point
B. Gender issues, as in many companies, have presented dysfunction in both the rank and file
as well as the ‘product’ produced. The argument goes that without diversity from the start of the
product cycle, from concept through to implementation and maintenance, the product (which is
already inscribed with the norms and values of the designers and engineers), will reflect similar
biases. What better way to show what a society values than how it enables the mobility of
different people and their various bodies?
Social media movements like #deleteUBER only individualize social issues and put the onus on
the rider to decide whether or not to use the service. Solutions that address the roots of
systemic issues need to come into play. In a networked society full of interdependencies, the
solution has never been to boycott. The recommendations here refer to the ethical
considerations forwarded in this paper and serve to open up dialogue to further discuss the
persistent issues facing a precarious future.
One major change would be to treat Uber like a taxi company as opposed to a web service. In
December 2017, such a ruling was made in the E.U. (May 2017). Another direction to pursue
would be to demand stronger partnerships with the municipalities in which rideshare companies
operate, in order to work towards linking public infrastructure with ride hailing operations rather
than competing with them. The methods of payment must be accessible and not serve to
exacerbate further inequalities in wealth and mobility. Related to mobility, the use of surge
pricing according to demand for transportation services is harmful and predatory, and must be
brought under control or eliminated altogether. Protections for public infrastructure,
increased (not decreased) investment in public transportation through data gathering, and
channeling revenue to socialized services through tariffs would cause ride cost to resemble taxi
costs more closely. In the case of Uber Health, measures taken to make the cost of medically
trained personnel available would also appropriately reflect costs. In essence, localities where
Uber benefits must themselves more explicitly benefit through increased partnerships and
regulatory policy.
Conclusion
As a reflection deriving from the conference on the Partnership for Progress on the Digital
Divide, this paper is a necessary opportunity to think through whether we are headed in the
right, just, and ethical direction. For decision makers and those attempting to formulate ethical
policies around ride hailing services, the task ahead is formidable. Corrosiveness, by its very
nature, is not readily apparent. Stewardship is not immediately recognized, and perhaps never
obviously rewarded. However, ethical practices must be built into the DNA of any organization,
permeating its practices, personnel, and products.
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With Uber rapidly becoming part of everyday life and a regular part of the public lexicon, this
paper was a comprehensive examination of the ethical dilemmas that already manifest in the
creation of a digital divide, their implications for public infrastructures, and the Gig Economy as
a symptom of kleptocracy rather than liberation. The approach is multi-pronged with many
interlocking pieces when examining communication technology from media justice, social
justice, and ethics perspectives.
Who is predator and prey in this gig economy of the Wild West? In its most ideal form, the
purpose of policy and regulation is to make things more regular, civilized, orderly, and peaceful.
Perhaps our practices may even be kinder in an otherwise cruel world. Despite all the
technological progress occurring every day, one must ask what the ultimate purpose of
innovation and advancement should be? If we are able to draw attention to how things are
getting worse for those already most vulnerable, should we not attempt to mobilize in order to
bring those harms to a halt? The situation is evolving, but this article asks the primary question,
given the issues and people at stake, is this the society we want?
Much like getting to choose the paint color for a car already in the parking lot, true change
cannot come as a result of consumer choice. It is a common deflection to place the onus on
comparatively powerless individuals when discussing systemic issues. The choice should not be
between Uber or Lyft, but rather between a healthy society or a toxic one. We have the
opportunity at this juncture to ask for the kind of society we really want. This paper is a critique
of the fundamental norms and values driving what amounts to a race to the bottom. The
optimistic kernel to take from this exposition is that this does not have to be our destination.
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